OPINION: Guest writer

OPINION | NATHAN JAMES: Republic of refuge

U.S. has long welcomed refugees

In a world with over 82.4 million refugees, most of whom are fleeing from Syria, Venezuela, and Afghanistan, it is unsurprising that the recent events that unfolded in Afghanistan will have serious repercussions in the refugee crisis.

In a press conference which addressed Afghan refugees, Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson declared that "Arkansas would welcome them as part of the other states that are welcoming those that need a place of refuge." The White House has allocated 98 Afghan refugee resettlement cases to Arkansas. Disproportionally, northwest Arkansas is expected to house 50 Afghan refugees within the next six months.

Meanwhile, Tom Cotton, U.S. senator for Arkansas, has led a group of Republican lawmakers to demand repatriation of Americans in Afghanistan and simultaneously restrict refugee resettlement into the United States.

In February of this year, Senator Cotton released a statement that falsely claimed "increasing the refugee admissions cap to its highest point in three decades will put American jobs and safety at risk during a pandemic." This was in response to President Joe Biden's decision to increase the refugee cap seven-fold, compared to the low 18,000 ceiling instituted by the Trump administration.

Although conservatives hold true to originalism, or the concept that upholds the framers' interpretation of the Constitution, it is antithetical that they neglect to understand the historical relevance of immigrants to the founding fathers.

Early political philosophers, contrary to contemporary Republican belief, argued for greater refugee and asylum protections in colonial America. For example, Thomas Paine's "Common Sense" contended that the New World would be a beacon of hope for individuals persecuted for exercising their civil and religious liberty.

As women, children, religious minorities, and ethnic minorities, to name a few, flee their home countries, the United States has sought to isolate itself from its pro-immigrant beginnings. Early Americans were resolute in their efforts to uphold migrant rights. This is likely due to the fact that the colonies were inhabited by immigrants themselves.

In 1783, before his term as president, George Washington asserted to Irish migrants that "America is open to receive not only the opulent and respectable stranger, but the oppressed and persecuted of all nations and religions," and that they'd be "welcome to a participation of all our rights and privileges, if by decency and propriety of conduct they appear to merit the enjoyment."

"Letters From An American Farmer: What Is An American," by J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur, reinforced that the colonies were a place that persecuted no one. He believed that the United States would be a refuge for individuals leaving oppression in Europe. He referred to "this great American asylum," where poor, oppressed people could start anew. It was undeniably Euro-centric to limit the scope to immigrants from the European continent; these perspectives must be broadened to the large-scale displacement around the world. Meanwhile, the United States cannot deny its role in displacing many of these refugees and must accept responsibility by hosting them.

The Declaration of Independence echoed these pro-immigration principles. The document accused King George III of obstructing naturalization of foreigners and preventing migration to the New World. Verbiage such as "all men are created equal" undeniably presents neutral equality of all free people.

It carried over into the Constitution, where Congress enumerated the authority over naturalization and some foreign affairs. Not to mention, since its ratification in 1868, the 14th Amendment provides citizenship for "all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof."

The age-old legal principle of "jus soli"--that citizenship is determined by birthplace--was part of English common law. In a similar fashion, the United States granted birthright citizenship to all people born within the territory. The nation's founding centered on the natural right of man to be free and provided avenues for expatriates. In recent years, though, Republicans like former President Donald Trump have advocated eliminating birthright citizenship.

As a nation that was built by immigrants who were persecuted for political and religious diversity, it is undisputedly American to provide refuge for asylum-seekers.

Since the founding, the issue of immigration to the United States has become increasingly polarized. The question of national security has been deployed and ingrained in this issue. Since 2001, the country has distanced itself from other countries, reduced its fiscal refugee cap, and introduced bans on Muslim-majority nations.

The political philosophies of the framers reveal that the United States was thought of as a place to house individuals who sought protection from persecution. Conservatives, who embrace the Constitution and the nation's founding, cannot morally refuse parts that don't fit their prejudices.


Nathan James is a double major in Transnational Studies and Political Science at Westminster College, in Fulton, Mo., and a graduate of Bentonville West High School in Centerton.

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