On social justice and human dignity

— This is an excerpt from the essay "What is Left of Socialism."

Does the demise of Marxism automatically mean the end of the socialist tradition? Not necessarily. Everything, of course, depends on the meaning of the word "socialism," and those who still use it as their own profession of faith are usually reluctant to say what they mean, apart from empty generalities. And so some distinctions have to be made. The trouble is that the desire to detect "historical laws" has led many people to conceive of "capitalism" and "socialism" as global "systems," diametrically opposed to each other.

But there is no comparison. Capitalism developedspontaneously and organically from the spread of commerce. Nobody planned it and it did not need an all-embracing ideology, whereas socialism was an ideological construction. Ultimately, capitalism is human nature at work-that is, man's greediness allowed to follow its course-whereas socialism is an attempt to institutionalize and enforce fraternity. . . . The idea of socialism as an "alternative society" to capitalism amounts to the idea of totalitarian serfdom; the abolition of the market and overall nationalization cannot yield any other result. The belief that one can establish perfect equality by institutional means is no less malignant. . . .

However, the socialist tradition is rich and differentiated, and it includes many varieties apart from Marxism. Some socialist ideas had indeed a built-in totalitarian tendency. This applies to most of the Renaissance and Enlightenment utopias, as well as to Saint-Simon. Yet some espoused liberal values. Once socialism, which started as an innocent fantasy, became a real political movement, not all of its variantsincluded the idea of an "alternative society," and of those that did, many did not take the idea seriously. . . .

While acknowledging that a perfect society will never be within reach and that people will always find reasons to treat each other badly, we should not discard the concept of "social justice," much as it might have been ridiculed. . . . Certainly, it cannot be defined in economic terms. One cannot infer from the expression "social justice" the answer to questions about what particular taxation system is desirable and economically sound in given conditions, what social benefits are justified, or what is the best way for rich countries to aid the poorer parts of the world. "Social justice" merely expresses an attitude toward social problems.

It is true that more often than not the expression "social justice" is employed by individuals or entire societies who refuse to take responsibility for their own lives. But, as theold saying goes, the abuse does not abrogate the use.

In its vagueness, "social justice" resembles the concept of human dignity. It is difficult to define what human dignity is. It is not an organ to be discovered in our body, it is not an empirical notion, but without it we would be unable to answer the simple question: What is wrong with slavery? Likewise, the concept of social justice is vague and it can be used as an ideological tool of totalitarian socialism. Yet the concept is a useful intermediary between an exhortation to charity, to almsgiving, and the concept of distributive justice; it is not the same as distributive justice because it does not necessarily imply reciprocal recognition. Nor is it simply an appeal to charity, because it implies, however imprecisely, that some claims may be deserved. The concept of social justice does not imply that there is such a thing as the common destiny of mankind in which everybody takes part, but it does suggest that the concept of humanity makes sense-not so much as a zoological category but as a moral one.

Without the market, the economy would collapse (in fact, in "real socialism" there is no economy at all, only economic policy). But it is also generally recognized that the market does not automatically solve all pressing human problems. The concept of social justice is needed to justify the belief that there is a "humanity"-and that we must look on other individuals as belonging to this collectivity, toward which we have certain moral duties.

Socialism as a social or moral philosophy was based on the ideal of human brotherhood, which can never be implemented by institutional means. There has never been, and there will never be, an institutional means of making people brothers. Fraternity under compulsion is the most malignant idea devised in modern times; it is a perfectpath to totalitarian tyranny. Socialism in this sense is tantamount to a kingdom of lies. This is not reason, however, to scrap the idea of human fraternity. If it is not something that can be effectively achieved by means of social engineering, it is useful as a statement of goals. The socialist idea is dead as the project for an "alternative society." But as a statement of solidarity with the underdogs and the oppressed, as a motivation to oppose Social Darwinism, as a light that keeps before our eyes something higher than competition and greed-for all of these reasons, socialism, the ideal not the system, still has its uses.

Leszek Kolakowski, Polish philosopher and critic of Marxism, died on July 17, 2009. This excerpt is reprinted by permission from the October 2002 issue of First Things; the essay is available in its entirety on their website, www.firstthings.com.

Perspective, Pages 79 on 08/30/2009

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